Home Politics Dodik: We Have a Constitutional Right to Get Rid of Foreign Judges

Dodik: We Have a Constitutional Right to Get Rid of Foreign Judges


Goodwill does not pay off in BiH, it is understood here as naivety. In Sarajevo, you cannot advocate such a policy, it simply pushes the local community into conflict. They have shrunk us into this mud called BiH, and we need to see prosperity there, and we are all aware that we are sinking more and more every day, said Milorad Dodik, a member of the BiH Presidency from the Republic of  Srpska.

“We are not interested in the term ‘Bosnian citizen’. We do not perceive BiH as our country, for us Republic of Srpska is ours as well as Serbia, ” Dodik told “Politika”.

He assures that Srpska has well-intentioned to enter this mandate, and that non-conflicting person dedicated to economic solutions have not been accidentally sent to Sarajevo, but that the other party obviously has opposite wishes. He says that the whole intrigue about the decision of the Constitutional Court of BiH regarding agricultural land is just like that, and the RS has made its own response – as a reaction and has determined measures within which all activities will be conducted exclusively in institutions.

He added to the Western representatives, despite their misunderstanding of Serbia’s policy of returning to the original Dayton, that he would openly abandon the legitimate fight for national identity and that the RS would remain in office until the contested decision on agricultural land was withdrawn, and until the parties judges do not leave BiH. He also told them that RS was very frustrated with the work of the Constitutional Court, but notes that he had not received a response to a question he had asked them: , they think it’s not March 1, although we all know what Serbs think of the date the secession referendum was held from Yugoslavia? What are these than double arshins? We are at one delicate moment when it comes to discussing what BiH will look like in the next twenty years, ” Dodik says.

The great turmoil followed the Constitutional Court’s position to challenge the Serbian right to register agricultural land on its territory.

We cannot accept the wrongful conduct of the occupation court. Is it possible for that court to rule on the titular of the property? Instead of determining whether something is in conformity with the Constitution or not. The arrogance and prepotency of certain factors are on the scene here. I spoke with an important representative of the western country and when I told him that we were not against BiH in accordance with the Constitution of BiH and the original decisions of the Dayton Agreement, he said that original solutions were not possible. They know and judge everything. In the first place, BiH is functional to them, and to us the autonomy of RS. What we are offered is BiH, which has not given us anything, but only taken away. We are required to welcome such practices and to enjoy them. Of course, that’s impossible. Croats, like Serbs, are desperate for being degraded. And they are expected to applaud poor solutions coming from Sarajevo. It is a pathological situation whose development is very difficult to predict.

The property belongs to the entities. The Constitution states that BiH only belongs to what has been explicitly given to it. And nowhere does it say he has property. High Representative Paddy Ashdown invented a ban on the disposal of certain assets in 2005 without the authority to do so. He used the power of the international community to ban us from disposing of barracks and military property. And then they grappled and expanded the list, creating the basis for such a court decision. All this is done by serious strategists and troublemakers from the international community. This is a hoax because if the property issue had not been resolved by Dayton, we would not be able to privatize the entities. I guess it’s more wealth than this piece of land we’re talking about. We wanted to regulate the issue of agricultural land as in the Brčko District and the Federation of BiH, which we did not dispute. Brčko manages the land in its territory, and the district is the property of two entities. Both senior representatives and the Constitutional Court have previously confirmed that property is the property of the entities. But Ashdown started centralization and began imposing solutions that created BiH beyond Dayton, which we do not accept because it is not ours.

The RS Assembly stated that it would not accept the Constitutional Court’s decision. Does this mean that the cadastres will start registering land in the RS?

That occupation court transferred the right to property to a common level. This should mean that the level of BiH should decide how to name these assets. The Serbs will not vote for this, there is no way they will get that solution. In RS, we continue with this kind of story, as if nothing had happened. Who can ban us? That we will not be prosecuted by the Court and the Prosecutor’s Office of BiH because we enforce our own laws? So now these institutions, created without a constitutional basis, should persecute us because we are implementing our own laws, based on the Constitution they have perverted. That is the logic and way of ruling in BiH. This is such decadence and today the intentions are the same as in the time of Turkey and later of Austro-Hungary and Benjamin Kalai – that there are no Serbs, Serbian, that there are Bosnians and Bosnian. Serbs have nothing, so they are not even people. Only the naive can think that something has changed. Or those who don’t care who they belong to. We are not doing anything against the Constitution, nor against peace.

The RS’s response was that there is no decision-making in the BiH authorities until an agreement is reached, there are objections from the world.

We go to sessions, our business does not change. It is our right to decide how to vote, no one can make us. We have democratically decided not to vote for any decision. It is a matter of protesting the injustice that seems to us continually. No one blocked anything. The sessions are taking place, and I was in the presidency session and deciding. Some don’t like it, but I don’t like many things either. They need not count on a change of attitude. We are two sides – RS and FBiH, and they have interests that we are missing. We are not bothered by the Bosniak factor, but we do not accept that they impose our own solutions. We don’t impose anything on anyone. BiH is given Dayton and the Constitution, find an example where we have degraded something. They openly reject the Dayton obligation to establish an inter-entity line of demarcation. It doesn’t matter to the international community. Inzko will write to the Security Council about my statements to the media but will not refuse Bosniaks to determine the line of demarcation. The decision of the occupation court is aimed at the destruction of the RS. They started from symbols and contestation of the coat of arms, anthem, flag and RS Day, now they have entered into a dispute of property, they test how we react, to continue to take away forests, rivers, schools, kindergartens … They only degrade us, so they will take us to the bridge over a small river in a village, you need a Sarajevo permit. Not to mention capital projects like hydro or big bridges. With this land, they now want to tell us that we will have to ask Sarajevo for consent if we are to make the highway. There is no end to this if they exclude all this, then the income will no longer be in Banja Luka, which they reduce to the province. Some here don’t want to see it, they turn their heads. Banja Luka has never been a financial center in this volume. When they take our responsibilities, so does the budget. They immediately jumped to the Americans to regulate something because they know what it is about. But being 100 times Americans can’t get past this.

You have announced that you are not shutting down the RS Exit unless there is a willingness to talk. Is that realistic, many are already using the secession thesis to order RS.

I have said my goodbye to Bosnia and Herzegovina precisely if there is no understanding that the relations are in order. I still think that’s an option. Is it realistic? The West stands with force, threatening sanctions on individuals. When I was talking about RS Exit I meant the whole process. How will BiH exist when there is no decision making in it? How will Bosnia decide, if not everyone decides? Then what kind of country is that? In this respect, it is a possible process that I talked about. If there is no decision making, what is ‘goodbye’, but sometimes it doesn’t even have to be explained. This is not a separation project, we want the original Dayton or to get closer to it and be clearly positioned as RS. We are forced into BiH by force, we do not see anything related to that country as our own. In Dayton, we have accepted BiH, but not like this and not to be humiliated in it. I’m not a secessionist, they can put forward all sorts of theories, but this is a struggle for the position of RS. To stop living in a country where we will await the decisions of the occupation courts with fear.

Serbs and Croats offer rulings on the Constitutional Court. Are Bosniaks isolated here, if at all possible given the international support they have?

I’m not so sure about that support, rather it will be their farce. Everyone in the West is tired of them. This is where the West defends its concept, not just Bosniaks. Of course, this ease is appropriate for them because they expect someone to solve problems from the outside. Croats and Serbs have been discussing foreign judges for years. Again Bosniaks will not discuss this. Now we offer it again, and it is up to them to choose. Let’s hear what their solution is. Remain foreign judges? It’s not an alternative. We have a constitutional right to get rid of foreign judges. Our proposal is for the three foreign judges to be replaced by top national lawyers by nominating them by the BiH Presidency and endorsing the House of Peoples. It is a great opportunity for Bosniaks to advocate for BiH. I do not like the subject, but we are fighting more for the sovereignty of BiH than those who advocate that BiH remains a national country. They need foreigners because they expect new solutions to take away our rights. They will not respect the Croats, elect them a member of the Presidency, and they expect the Croats to say how great it is, they would take away our possessions and we would praise them for being beautiful. All of this is an absurd situation of the exclusion of fundamental rights and we are only good if we remain silent.

How do you look at the happenings in Montenegro? Especially in terms of the potential crisis in BiH. Are you worried about so many crises in such a small area that many believe to have a common challenge to Serbian rights?

The situation in Montenegro is unfair to us Serbs. I think the peaceful protests that are going on are a defense against an axial state decision that did not respect the basic interests of these people. I believe that it is possible to resolve the issue by repealing the law and then entering the process and resolving it democratically. I support the just demands of the SPC. The most important thing for the Serbs in this region is that there is no war and it is impossible. Stories about the war in BiH are nothing but a hoax unless NATO or someone from outside is involved. How would Bosniaks attack and with what, to make a decision? In the BiH Presidency, they cannot, as in federal institutions, because Croats would not vote there. Their MIA has no right to enter the RS. The army would disintegrate at the same moment because the Serbian soldiers would always obey the RS. Anything Bosniaks could do would be illegitimate. And RS is absolutely not interested in conflicts, we have absolutely no aspirations. Members of our security services will not go to the FBiH, we remain in the RS, and as far as I know, Croats think the same. Bosniaks are the only expansive factor here, and they constantly talk about conflict. For example, Željko Komšić and Šefik Džaferović. And they can neither attack us nor have anything to do. Another dimension would be to have an international factor emerge. But I believe that the constellation in the world is not in favor of engaging anyone in this regard. NATO says in its primary goals for BiH that it is ready to keep the peace. And political solutions are a matter for us, not for NATO. People should be calm. There are some measures to endanger us financially, this may be possible, but it should also be avoided. But that should not be a motive for us to remain oppressed and belittled.

How do you comment on the allegations that on the occasion of the proposal of the opposition resolution on the events in Montenegro, he called you Milo Djukanovic and threatened to ban entry if he voted?

You are a serious newspaper, I hope you do not come up with fabrications. These are ordinary fools of the opposition, they think they turned out to be smart. On the same day, at the Presidency session, I raised the issue of protection of national interest in order to prevent Đukanovic from visiting BiH, because I believe that this is not the moment. His arrival would further humiliate the Serbian people. In a situation where you are taking our dignity and trying to seize property in Montenegro, it is not acceptable for the president of that country to send messages against the Serbian people from here.


Source: Politika.rs


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